{From Camel Trader to Warlord: The Rise of a Man Who Now Commands Fifty Percent of Sudan
The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living trading camels and gold. Now, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces dominate around 50% of Sudan.
Seizing Power in Darfur
Hemedti's forces scored a significant victory by overrunning the city of el-Fasher, which was the final military stronghold in the Darfur area.
Feared and despised by his enemies, Hemedti is respected by his followers for his tenacity and his pledge to tear down the discredited state.
Humble Beginnings
Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya section of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arab group that straddles the Chad-Sudan border region.
Born around 1974, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were not officially registered.
Guided by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his family relocated to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, fleeing conflict and in search of greener pastures.
Early Career
After leaving school in his early teens, Hemedti started making money by trading camels across the desert to neighboring countries.
At that time, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, neglected by the regime of then-President Omar al-Bashir.
Arab militiamen known as the Janjawid attacked villages of the indigenous Fur, escalating a major uprising in 2003.
Ascendancy Amid Conflict
As a countermeasure, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his anti-rebel campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for widespread atrocities.
Hemedti's unit was among them, accused in attacking the village of Adwah in late 2004, claiming the lives of 126 people, among them 36 children.
International inquiries concluded that the Janjaweed were responsible for genocide.
Strategic Maneuvering
After the peak of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become leader of a powerful paramilitary force, a business network, and a political machine.
At one point he rebelled, requesting unpaid salaries for his soldiers, advancements, and a political position for his brother. Bashir granted most of his demands.
Subsequently, when rival militias rebelled, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jebel Amir.
Rapidly, his business venture al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.
Institutionalizing Influence
In 2013, Hemedti asked for and received official recognition as commander of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.
Former militiamen were absorbed into the RSF, getting modern equipment and training.
International Connections
The RSF fought in Darfur, struggled in the Nuba Mountains, and accepted a role to guard the border with Libya.
Supposedly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's commanders also excelled at extortion and people-trafficking.
By 2015, Gulf nations requested Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide his fighters as contractors.
His ties with the UAE proved most consequential, marking the start of a close relationship with UAE officials.
Growing Power
Recruits trekked to RSF recruiting centers for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.
Hemedti formed an alliance with Russia's Wagner Group, receiving training in exchange for commercial dealings, including in the gold trade.
His trip to Russia occurred on the day of the invasion of Ukraine.
Political Betrayal
As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him himayti.
It was a miscalculation. In April 2019, when demonstrators demanded democracy, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the military leaders overthrew him.
Initially, Hemedti was hailed as a fresh face for Sudan. He tried to reposition himself, but that lasted only weeks.
Renewed Brutality
As the transition stalled, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, assaulted females, and reportedly drowned men in the River Nile.
Hemedti has denied that the RSF engaged in war crimes.
Under foreign pressure, the generals and civilians agreed to a compromise, leading to an unstable coexistence for several years.
Ongoing War
As an investigation began examining military-owned companies, the two generals dismissed the civilians and seized power.
But they fell out. Burhan insisted the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti refused.
Last year, RSF units moved to surround key bases in the capital. The takeover effort was unsuccessful, and fighting erupted city-wide.
Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.
International organizations report up to 15,000 civilian deaths, with the American officials calling it ethnic cleansing.
Current Status
Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including sophisticated drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and crucial in the assault on el-Fasher.
With this weaponry, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the Sudanese army.
Hemedti has created a rival administration, the "Government of Peace and Unity", appointing himself leader.
With the capture of el-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of inhabited territory west of the Nile.
After allegations of mass killings, Hemedti declared an investigation into violations committed by his soldiers.
Many believe Hemedti sees himself as ruler of an independent region or still aims to rule all of Sudan.
It's also possible, he may emerge as a political puppet master, controlling a vast network of interests.
And as Hemedti's troops continue atrocities in el-Fasher, he seems assured of avoiding consequences in a world that does not care.